This is the final installment in the series on democracy. Part thirteen can be found here.
America began as a republic, shifted to a democracy, and now is little more than a constitutional bureaucracy. For example, the Western idea of debate and discussion among political parties in Congress is largely over. Parliamentarianism has died and much of the real work of Congress is now conducted in committees. Congressmen and women do spend time on the floor to promote their views but little real discussion occurs and the genuine work is done in committee to serve a particular party, not the people. In addition, presidential executive orders are often used to sidestep the work of congress. Either way, with these procedural moves, participatory and consensual government is undermined and rule of law is generally ignored. A bureaucracy of elites now determines what is best for the party, not the people or country at large. Another evidence of American bureaucratization is the specialized governmental departments and the sheer size of government. The historian John Lukacs gives us this telling example,
In the Middle Ages – indeed, until about the seventeenth century – kings had no specialized ministries; they depended on the councils of intimate advisors. In the second half of the twentieth century the elective monarchy of the American presidency assumed more and more of the characteristics of medieval kingship, with liege lords having the power to determine the very access to the monarch, to the extent that even cabinet officers could no longer call on the president on their own – that is, without the consent of the above-mentioned liege lords, who decided not only what and whom the president should see but also what he should hear – and perhaps what he should think.1
It is amazing to see how bureaucratic America has become and to contrast our current situation with Hamilton’s or Madison’s vision of America. Now, both parties will enlarge the government to maintain their own power at the expense of the individual citizen. This bureaucratic tendency can also be seen in another example. In the 1980’s the staff of Ronald Reagan’s wife in the White House was larger than Franklin Roosevelt’s at the height of the Second World War.2
These problems, the lack of proportional representation, the media, and the age of bureaucracy point to the need of recovering what the classical thinkers would call civic virtue. This idea of civic virtue is especially important since many elementary schools have now eliminated grades for citizenship and citizenship education. Aristotle would remind us that the success of nations rests on the education of our children. The Athenian and Roman empires fell because the people no longer understood what it meant to be an Athenian or Roman and no longer protected what they had. Likewise, America has moved from understanding itself as a “melting pot” to a mere clash of wills among different people groups.
Aristotle, however, connects morality, education, and politics together to build a virtuous society. For the ancients, the purpose of virtuous action aims at “eudaimonia” which means “well-being” or “happy-life.” The virtues are habits of conduct that provide a happy well being. Essentially this is achieved by finding the mean in ethical reflection and action. However, Aristotle’s starting point (along with much of ancient political philosophy) is that man is primarily a political animal. Moral excellence is not only necessary at the individual level but also at the social level, because society is made up of individuals and all forms of moral excellence (individual and social) strive for the common good – that which is good for everyone. When one works for the common good, he or she is working for their own good. Ancient moral philosophy stresses the idea of the “polis,” or social community, which is formed for the realization of a common good and, as in the individual; the virtues are conducive to the common good, or well-being of the community.3 In other words, the polis or state is then responsible for nurturing moral excellence and enacting laws contributing to the common good and well-being. The morally responsible individual contributes to the common good by encouraging the state or community to pass laws and behave in ways that support moral excellence and human well-being.
A core value for the ancient Romans was the Stoic notion of “officium.” This was a strong sense of commitment to fulfill the responsibilities the individual was born to fulfill within the state for the common good. Stoic moral philosophy is also based on the view that the world, as one great city, is a unity. Man, as a world citizen, has an obligation and loyalty to all things in that city. He must play an active role in world affairs, remembering that the world exemplifies virtue and right action.4 Therefore, Stoic political philosophy corresponds with much of Aristotle’s political thought in the emphasis of virtuous action aimed toward the common good, natural law, and a moral life based on rational reflection.
From the classical perspective, modern American individualism looks very strange. Classical ethical theory is focused on the larger community and the shared, common good to which the individual participants in that community contribute through their virtuous activity.5 Much more holistic in its approach, classical virtue theory would question much of modern American individualism focused simplistically on the rights of individuals. No one can pursue their own good completely isolated and independent from their social community or government. Furthermore, classical political theory would question the ideas of valuing a candidate simply because he was good looking, wealthy, popular, or articulate. The ancients would be first interested in the candidate’s ethical code and moral principles. The classical thinkers, therefore, would educate citizens to be virtuous contributors to society which is one of the greatest tasks of education today. The classical thinkers, therefore, would educate citizens to be virtuous contributors to society which is one of the greatest tasks of education today.
Time and again we find wisdom in ancients. The greatest thing about studying history is discovering the wisdom of the ages. Certainly, the ancients made mistakes, and we should learn from their errors, but they were different mistakes than we are making today. We learn from the Greeks the enduring nature of mankind. The Polish philosopher Leszek Kolakowski said that we don’t study history merely for finding facts or to acquire knowledge about events, but to discover who we are as a race. History shows us what it means to be alive on this planet. We can learn much from the ancients because they too believed in the Great Ideas. They began the great discussion of these ideas. Their self-reflective questioning, discussion, and debate of these ideas are often more thoughtful than contemporary thinking on many of these subjects, especially when it comes to a proper understanding of democracy. Aristotle considered democracy and ideal. Democracy will always be an ideal because it goes against the grain of human nature. Like the fabled Icarus, humans will always strive for more than they can attain, and always be tempted to go beyond natural human limitations. Human beings do not want to share power with others. Nonetheless, democracy, as an ideal should be attempted. Historically, it has given rise to the middle class and has provided more freedom and affluence than any other political system. Furthermore, democracy is an evolving idea. The values of Western civilization are not static but always seeking to improve and adapt. The Greeks and Romans were always willing to adapt and change when necessary. Therefore, we can be thankful to the great classical thinkers for the conversation and heritage built into the conversation of democracy.
1 Lukacs, John. Democracy and Populism: Fear and Hatred. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005.), 189.
2 Ibid.
3 Miller, 557.
4 “Stoicism.” Encyclopedia Britannica. 2006. Encyclopedia Britannica 2006 Ultimate Reference Suite DVD 5 July 2006.
5 Miller, 558.
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