Consensual Government, Intellectual History, Liberal Arts, Uncategorized

On Democracy, an Index

by Dave Seng

The democracy series was a large project, so I decided to collect all the links and post them here in a kind of index. The hope is to organize the entire series and allow easier discovery of the posts. I also posted the works cited here as a helpful resource.

A final thought. I hope the series has been helpful in coming to terms with what a democracy actually is and why America is no longer one. It has become fashionable in some circles to claim that there is an inherent extreme individualism in the Western definition of democracy that is to blame for the decline of democratic societies in the West. Although it is true that many such as Locke did emphasize a kind of individualism, an unbridled or unrestricted individualism was never part of the Western idea of democracy. This should be clear from reading the Greeks and Roman (primarily Stoic) presentations of consensual representation. When things go bad (and they certainly are today) often it is because the fundamentals have been forgotten or rejected.

The posts:

On Democracy, Part One can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Two can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Three can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Four can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Five can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Six can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Seven can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Eight can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Nine can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Ten can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Eleven can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Twelve can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Thirteen can be found here.

On Democracy, Part Fourteen can be found here.

Works cited:

Adler, Mortimer. Adler’s Philosophical Dictionary. New York: Scribner, 1995.

Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 9, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952.

— Politics, Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 9, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952.

Euripides, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Aristophanes., Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 5, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952.

Goodwin, Gerald, Richard Current, Paula A. Franklin. A History of the United States. 2nd ed. New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1985.

Herodotus, The History of Herodotus, Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 6, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952.

Homer. Iliad. Trans. by Robert Fagles. New York: Penguin Books, 1991.

Hutchins, Robert. The Great Conversation: A Reader’s Guide to Great Books of the Western World. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1994.

Kagan, Donald. Pericles of Athens And The Birth of Democracy, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991.

Lukacs, John. Democracy and Populism: Fear and Hatred. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005.

Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary. 11th ed.

Miller, Ed. Questions That Matter: An Invitation to Philosophy. 4th ed. New York: McGraw Hill, 1996.

Pascal, The Provincial Letters, Pensees, Scientific Treatises, Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 33, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952.

Plato, The Republic,tr. Francis MacDonald Cornford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1945.

“Stoicism.” Encyclopedia Britannica. 2006. Encyclopedia Britannica 2006 Ultimate Reference Suite DVD 5 July 2006.

The Oxford Classical Dictionary. Ed. Hammond, N.G. L. and H.H. Scullard. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.

The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization. Ed. by Hornblower, Simon and Anthony Spawforth. (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1998.

Thucydides. The History of The Peloponnesian War, Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 6, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952.

Woodruff, Paul. First Democracy: The Challenge of An Ancient Idea. New York: Oxford University Press.

Consensual Government, Liberal Arts

Democracy: What Have We Learned?

by Dave Seng

The roots of our being reach further and deeper into history than we are usually aware. – William Barrett, The Illusion of Technique.

I am going to take a quick break from our series on democracy to try to summarize what we have learned so far regarding a properly understood conception of democracy. I will return to our discussion of the American founding and develop more recent historical concerns soon.

So … what have we learned so far about genuine collective self-government? The ancient idea of government by the consent of citizens has been scorned, cheered, ridiculed, debated, and argued for and against by most of the greatest minds in the Western intellectual tradition. Within the idea of democracy, we see many of the virtues and vices of Western civilization itself. This should not be surprising because as human beings we carry over into our institutions, technology, and the societies we build, the deepest and most perplexing trait of human nature itself—that our efforts are always ineradicably a mixture of good and evil. This is the human paradox. Nonetheless, due to these seemingly contradictory qualities in human nature, history has shown that for a democracy to exist at all, important characteristics need to be in place such as the free exchange of ideas, the rule of law, public audit and accountability, discussion, debate, economic and individual freedom, dissent, and a constructive consensus among people for the purpose of building a government which serves the people. These ideals are central and inherent to the classical and Western idea of democracy. On the other hand, democracy can easily devolve into mob rule, partisan politics, and a mere clash of wills—the most illiberal aspects of our current political climate. Hopefully, this series has helped us understand human nature, our inherent need to understand why something is the way its, and a respect for our shared cultural heritage.

What else have we learned? History provides a helpful guide for understanding human nature. In fact, history is all we have to go on since it is impossible to study the future. More importantly, we study history because it gives us deeper insight into who we are as human beings and civilization generally. In a very real sense, it is memory that makes us who we are. Memories shape us—and our families, communities, and culture. This is why our cultural institutions preserve our history, learning, and collective memory. And this is true on the individual level. Anyone who has seen a loved one decline due to dementia, Alzheimer’s, or amnesia knows that the loss of memory is a loss of something deeply human and valuable. Without memory, an individual is a ruined imitation of what they once where. And the same is true for societies. Cultural amnesia can be devastating to a society. I believe this was one reason Pericles delivered his funeral oration. The historian Wilfred McClay put it this way, “Historical consciousness is to civilized society what memory is to individual identity. Without memory, and the stories within which memories are held suspended, one cannot say who or what one is; one cannot learn to use language, pass on knowledge, raise children, establish rules of conduct, or even dwell in society, let alone engage in science” (12).

We study history because it is fundamental to our nature as human beings and through such a study we realize the greatness and wretchedness of the human paradox. At the same time we have a drive for understanding and learning. We seem to have a natural tendency and desire to know why something is the case. We also seem to have an intrinsic desire to tell stories, pass down traditions, and to explore why or how something came to be.

History can be instructive if we choose to listen to it. Memory can be a powerful teacher. I believe that telling the story of the intellectual development of democracy will benefit everyone. Thucydides reminds his readers of the Athenian delegation that tried to resolve tensions between the Corinthians, Spartans, and Athenians prior to the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. The Athenians desired to “call attention to the great power of Athens, and to refresh the memory of the old and enlighten the ignorance of the young, from a notion that their words might have the effect of inducing them to prefer tranquility to war” (367). Words and stories have a powerful impact on a society. When memory fades or cultural Alzheimer’s sets in, a civilization becomes empty and incapacitated. History is much more than dates and events, it is about the narratives and ideas that men and women have struggled with in an existential attempt to understand the human paradox.

Works Cited:

McClay, Wilfred. A Student’s Guide to U.S. History. ISI Books, 2000.

Thucydides. The History of The Peloponnesian War, Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 5, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1996.

Here are a few other helpful guides on this topic:

Kagan, Donald. Pericles of Athens And The Birth of Democracy, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991.

Lukacs, John. Democracy and Populism: Fear and Hatred. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005.

Richard, Carl. The Founders and the Classics: Greece, Rome, and the American Enlightenment. Harvard University Press, 1995.

Woodruff, Paul. First Democracy: The Challenge of An Ancient Idea. New York: Oxford University Press.

Consensual Government, Intellectual History, Liberal Arts

On Democracy, Part Seven

by Dave Seng

Part six can be found here.

Although Otanes’ vision of consensual rule failed, his dream of democracy lived on. Euripides (485 – 406 B.C.) an Athenian playwright who often defended democracy in his tragic plays profoundly examines the idea of democracy in his play The Suppliants. In this play, Theseus comes to the aid of Adrastrus who wants to burry his fallen comrades. Adrastus (king of Arogos) tried to conquer Thebes but failed and appeals to Theseus (king of Athens) for help. Burial rights were very important to the ancient Greeks and sometimes resulted in war when these rights were not granted by the opposing army. In The Suppliants however, Euripides uses Theseus as a spokesman for democracy. Theseus claims that he can not do anything without the sanction of the city. He explains, “For them [the people] I made supreme, when I set this city free, by giving all an equal vote.”1 Then, Euripides provides a fascinating exchange between a herald from Thebes promoting monarchy and Theseus presenting and defending democracy. The herald asks to speak to the despot of Athens. Naturally, Theseus takes exception with this statement and corrects the herald. “Thou hast made a false beginning” states Theseus, “in seeking here a despot. For this city is not ruled by one man, but is free. The people rule in succession year by year, allowing no preference to wealth, but the poor man shares equally with the rich.”2 The herald answers Theseus with a critique of democracy. He says that the land he comes from is ruled by one man only, not by the mob. And further explains that the uneducated will not be qualified to govern a city. The uneducated would gain a reputation by beguiling with words the populace just to seek self enrichment. Theseus provides three arguments in favor of democracy. He believes the rule of law, free speech, and a consensus of the brightest and most talented citizens will work together to provide harmony, order and stability in a democracy. Theseus explains his first argument,

Naught is more hostile to a city than a despot; where he is, there are in the first place no laws common to all, but one man is tyrant, in whose keeping and in his alone the law resides, and in that case equality is at an end. But when the laws are written down, rich and poor alike have equal justice, and it is open to the weaker to use the same language to the prosperous when he is reviled by him, and the weaker prevails over the stronger if he have justice on his side.3

According to Euripides, the best and surest way to maintain equality, defend freedom, and protect from tyranny is the rule of law. Both constitutional and procedural law is necessary to democracy because, ideally, it will protect the commonality from tyranny, provide a barrier to mob rule, and make available a just legal standing for all citizens regardless of their economic status.

Theseus’ second argument for democracy is based on the notion of free speech, debate, and dissent. When citizens are considered equal before the law they have the freedom to provide a voice in their government. Citizens should be able to speak freely about the important political issues they face. Theseus explains how this should work,

Freedom’s mark is also found in this: ‘Who hath wholesome counsel to declare unto the state?’ And he who chooses to do so gains renown, while he, who hath no wish, remains silent. What greater equality can there be in a city? 4

Theseus indicates that those who have good counsel to offer the state are welcome to do so and those who wish to remain silent are free not to participate. Equality rests in the idea that all are free to either contribute to the betterment of the city or not. Theseus third argument is based on the idea that democracy requires young and intelligent citizens.

Again, where the people are absolute rulers of the land, they rejoice in having a reserve of youthful citizens, while a king counts this a hostile element, and strives to slay the leading men … for he feareth for his power. How then can a city remain stable, where one cuts short all enterprise and mows down the young like meadow-flowers in springtime?5

Theseus understands the value a young educated and intellectual class will bring to the state. And history has proven him correct. It is common knowledge that one of the attributes of tyranny is the elimination of the intellectual and educated class in society. Tyrants do not want to be challenged by those who can think independently or question the assumptions of a tribal or despotic regime. A democracy, however, thrives and succeeds on a reserve of young talented and enthusiastic independent thinkers. All regimes understand the power of ideas. Ideas move men and society more often than economics or government programs. No war is ever fought strictly on material grounds but on the ideas and passions that rightly or wrongly motivate armies to fight. Blaise Pascal once quipped, “opinion is queen of the world.”6 Ideas are important and most despotic regimes are atavistically afraid of an educated and articulate population. Tyrannies do not want the free exchange of ideas because they know that the power of ideas could remove them from rule. Democracies are not immune to bad ideas either but the rule of law, open debate, free exchange of ideas, and the values of discussion and dissent are more likely to provide a stable society where grievances can be addressed in a productive manner.

Next time we will explore how the Western ideas of legal restraint on majority rule, and the notions of freedom and equality are likely to impede and hinder the execution of the most extreme elements of human nature.

1 Euripides, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Aristophanes., Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 5, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952), 261.

2 Ibid., 262.

3 Ibid., 262.

4 Ibid., 262.

5 Ibid., 262.

6 Pascal, The Provincial Letters, Pensees, Scientific Treatises, Great Books Of The Western World, Vol. 33, ed. Robert Maynard Hutchins, (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952), 228.